UNC Chapel Hill Professor Tied to Far-Left Gun Club Linked to Past Violence

A University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill professor has been identified as a member of Redneck Revolt’s Silver Valley chapter, a group described by researchers and advocacy groups as part of a broader leftist gun club network. Dwayne Dixon, listed on the university’s faculty directory as an Asian and Middle Eastern Studies professor, is named by the club itself as a participant in the Silver Valley chapter. The Counter Extremism Project, which tracks extremist networks, catalogs Redneck Revolt as an offshoot of the John Brown Gun Club, a movement that has drawn attention for its willingness to deploy armed activism in support of left-wing causes. The group has been connected to at least two violent attacks on Immigration and Customs Enforcement facilities, one in Washington in 2019 and another on July 4 in Alvarado, Texas. The club also posted recruitment flyers on Georgetown University’s campus on Wednesday, according to the report.

UNC-Chapel Hill did not dispute Dixon’s affiliation with the group, but university officials emphasized the protection of civil liberties on campus. A UNC spokesperson told Fox News Digital that the university “respects the constitutional rights of faculty, staff and students, including freedom of speech and association, as long as those activities are lawful and carried out in a personal capacity,” while adding that the university “condemns all forms of violence.” The spokesperson noted that the university does not monitor or comment on the lawful personal activities or political views of individual employees and cited publicly available policies governing conduct. A number of students have discussed Dixon’s presence in class, with one student noting that the professor frequently weighs in on political topics during lectures, though the student said professors’ views should not dominate classroom dynamics.

Redneck Revolt has been described by the Counter Extremism Project as a far-left organization that opposes capitalism and the nation-state, as well as symbols of the state such as police, prisons and courts. The group characterizes its activities as a defense for left-wing protesters, and it has cultivated a presence at demonstrations in various cities. In 2017, Dixon was reportedly armed with a semiautomatic rifle at a protest in downtown Durham, North Carolina, where he faced charges of carrying a weapon at a public assembly or rally and going armed to the terror of the people. Those charges were ultimately dropped. The Durham event was billed as an anti-KKK rally, though the Ku Klux Klan was not present. Days earlier, Dixon and Redneck Revolt were seen at a white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, a gathering that culminated in the death of Heather Heyer when a vehicle plowed into a crowd.

Dixon faced further legal scrutiny in 2018 after he was charged with simple assault related to clashes at UNC when the Silent Sam statue on campus was toppled by protesters. The charge was dismissed, and UNC officials stressed that the university would not tolerate violence but would continue to uphold the right to peaceful protest and academic freedom. A student interviewed by a local outlet described a broader expectation that professors’ political activities remain separate from classroom instruction, while acknowledging that instructors’ personal beliefs inevitably influence their public persona.

Redneck Revolt has pursued a high-profile legal path in some contexts. The group was among several entities named in litigation after Charlottesville; city officials sought to bar non-state militias from appearing in the city during civil disturbances. Redneck Revolt ultimately entered into a consent decree with Charlottesville to avoid a trial, with the group stating on its site that the decision allowed members to avoid costly legal battles while still opposing perceived state overreach. The lawsuit, which also involved other groups and individuals, was part of a broader effort by city authorities to restrict paramilitary activity during demonstrations.

The broader network surrounding Redneck Revolt and its affiliates, including the John Brown Gun Club, has drawn attention for the presence of armed participants at protests and for links to other incidents in which individuals affiliated with the groups have faced criminal charges or ideological scrutiny. One high-profile case involved Willem van Spronsen, a John Brown Gun Club member who died in 2019 when he attempted to sabotage an ICE detention facility with arson and other measures. His actions were framed by supporters as an act of direct action, while law enforcement characterized it as an attempted attack on a government facility. In another case, Benjamin Song, who has been identified by some outlets as a member of the Elm Fork chapter of the John Brown Gun Club, faced three counts of attempted murder of federal agents and related firearm charges in connection with a Texas ICE facility attack; Song’s affiliation with the group was raised in subsequent civil suits. Song’s and other members’ legal histories have fueled ongoing national discussions about the line between protest activity and violent action.

The Georgetown University incident cited in the notes reflects a broader pattern described by supporters and critics of these groups: activists using campus spaces and networks to recruit and mobilize. The flyers, which referenced the Charlie Kirk assassination and included a QR code directing readers to a page promoting “ceremonial resistance,” were removed by campus officials who condemned political violence on campus. The note about the Charlie Kirk reference dramatizes how contemporary campus activism has become intensely polarized and sometimes sensationalized in the digital age.

The UNC-Chapel Hill situation has prompted questions about how universities manage personal political activity and the role of faculty in public life. Some students argue that professors should separate personal beliefs from classroom teaching, while others contend that academics should engage with political topics as part of scholarly inquiry. University officials say they will continue to enforce policies that balance free expression with safety and non-discrimination, and they emphasize that the university condemns violence in all its forms.

Beyond the UNC case, observers say the incident underscores a broader trend in which political actors on both ends of the spectrum mobilize around armed rhetoric or imagery as part of their advocacy. Proponents of campus safety and academic freedom alike are watching how universities respond to faculty members who publicly associate with groups that advocate or engage in confrontational or potentially unlawful activities. Critics warn that allowing personal political activity to spill into the classroom or the campus environment could erode trust in higher education institutions and chill intellectual debate. Supporters argue that universities must protect political expression, even when it is controversial or uncomfortable, as part of their mission to foster open inquiry and civic engagement.

As the conversation continues, UNC-Chapel Hill and other universities are likely to face questions about how to balance personal rights with institutional responsibility. The dialogue may also shape policy decisions around campus safety, conduct standards, and the boundaries of permissible student and faculty activities in public demonstrations. The case remains a focal point for debates about political extremism, academic culture, and the role of higher education in a deeply divided national political landscape.