Albanian cocaine empire grows in Britain as social media becomes recruitment ground

London — A Daily Mail undercover investigation has exposed how Albanian crime gangs advertise for cocaine dealers on Facebook and TikTok, using social media to recruit and recruit again amid concerns about the UK’s border and asylum system. The reporting paints a picture of a high-functioning illicit economy that reaches from major cities to smaller towns, linking middle‑class users to a growing supply network and highlighting what authorities say is an increasingly brazen model of organised crime.

The investigation centers on Erik, a 25‑year‑old Kosovan‑Albanian drug dealer who says he built a network of middle‑class cocaine addicts by working in Oxford Street and Soho’s bars. Smiling and laughing, Erik described his recent release after being found with six bags of cocaine and said he planned to return to the business. He told undercover reporters that his recruitment began when he posted his number in the Facebook group Albanian Community in the UK, which the Mail’s reporters describe as a widely used job board for drug-dealing opportunities. During a half‑hour meeting, Erik portrayed himself as a veteran dealer who moved hundreds of pounds’ worth of cocaine to customers encountered in the bars of central London. He claimed police in the UK were notably softer than authorities back home, and he acknowledged the risk but said he would press on.

Erik also explained that his operation relied on direct outreach through social media groups rather than traditional underworld channels. He recounted selling to a clientele of middle‑class drinkers and said that the demand in central London had grown to the point where dealers were turning to online platforms to sustain the supply. In responding to the undercover inquiry, Shadow Home Secretary Chris Philp characterized the findings as a damning indictment of how organised crime can operate with apparent impunity via social media, arguing that the risks are perceived as too low and penalties too weak. He said the revolving door of deportations and re‑entries compounds the problem by allowing offenders to return after removal.

The National Crime Agency has long warned that Albanian‑linked drug trafficking is active across the country, with networks expanding beyond traditional urban hubs into smaller towns and rural areas. Officials say Albanian gangs have built a cocaine empire by emphasizing quality and volume, and by exploiting gaps in enforcement and the asylum system. The Mail’s reporting describes a supply chain in which high‑purity cocaine is distributed through London bars and clubs before moving outward to other cities such as Manchester, Cambridge and Bournemouth, aided by a cadre of new recruits drawn from Albanian diaspora networks and asylum accommodations.

The economics are striking. The Mail computes that a London-based cocaine dealer can earn about £1,700 a week, or more than £88,000 a year before tax, with an after‑tax equivalent that could approach £145,000 annually under certain assumptions. The article notes that because illicit income is untaxed, the apparent earnings can place dealers in the top tier of income distribution in the country. The piece also highlights how the business model relies on volume and proximity to the customer base, with thrill and risk fueling a high‑pressure lifestyle that underscores the profit motive.

Beyond individual stories, the investigation traces how Albanian gangs recruit through social media. Facebook groups and TikTok accounts have posted job opportunities for cocaine dealers, using coded language and symbols to evade simple moderation. Posts often feature the snowflake emoji or the Albanian word pika, shorthand for points or grams of cocaine, and promise high weekly pay and travel opportunities. The Mail’s reporters observed posts offering as much as £1,800 to £2,100 per week for dealing roles and noted that some advertisements included accommodation or car use. TikTok subsequently removed two accounts cited by the Mail, while Facebook groups continued to operate under observation.

The piece also recounts a longer historical arc: Albanian gangs began to make inroads into Britain around 2000, pursuing a strategy that targeted middle‑class consumers and bypassed traditional crime hierarchies. The gangs developed access to direct trafficking lines with South American cartels, built a reputation for high purity cocaine, and amplified their presence as border controls and enforcement evolved. A veteran Albanian crime boss described by the Mail recalls a shift in price and supply dynamics during the late 2000s, noting a drop in price per kilo that changed market dynamics and helped cement Albanian gangs’ dominance in portions of the UK market. The analysis frames the evolution as a combination of product quality, organizational reach, and strategic exploitation of systemic weaknesses.

The Mail lists a number of cases from the summer, illustrating how Albanian dealers have been prosecuted across the country. It notes that 18 Albanian cocaine dealers were jailed between June and August this year, with sentences averaging nearly four years. The profiles include a range of ages and underscores the difficulty of ensuring long sentences that would deter re‑entry. Some cases also highlight deportation decisions and the reality that some individuals re‑enter the UK after removal, complicating efforts to curb trafficking. The article observes that deportations are sometimes followed by re‑entry via small boats, asylum routes, or other means, contributing to a cycle of offending that officials say is hard to break without broader policy changes.

Responding to the investigation, government and law‑enforcement authorities point to a mix of enforcement tools. The Home Office says it is pursuing tougher enforcement, faster removals, and targeted policing to disrupt online gang activity, while working with technology platforms to curb illicit activity online through measures mandated by the Online Safety Act. The Metropolitan Police did not provide a comment for the story, but the National Crime Agency emphasizes that social media and communication platforms are central to modern drug trafficking and that technology firms have a responsibility to limit criminal activity on their networks. The NCA also notes cross‑agency collaboration with UK and international partners to suppress illicit markets and to seize proceeds of crime.

The article features broader commentary on how asylum policy and border controls interact with criminal networks. It argues that the ease with which some offenders can re‑enter the country after deportation contributes to ongoing supply. It cites public statements by political figures about reform and deterrence and quotes from practitioners who have observed a persistent cycle of arrest, deportation, and return. The piece also highlights the role of social media platforms in enabling recruitment and distribution, while noting that platforms have taken steps to remove or restrict content that promotes drug dealing.

In sum, the inquiry portrays a Britain where Albanian gangs have carved a substantial presence in the cocaine market, leveraging social media to recruit and distribute, and where enforcement and asylum policies are perceived as evolving but not fully curbing the cycle of trafficking. It underscores the tension between the opportunities these criminal networks see in a large, urban market and the ongoing challenges for law enforcement seeking to disrupt networks that routinely adapt to changing rules and technologies. As officials and lawmakers weigh new tools and policies, observers say a durable solution will require coordinated domestic and international action to address the supply chains, the economic incentives, and the border‑security dynamics that sustain this illicit enterprise.