Global rush to Ukraine for drone warfare training reshapes security landscape

The world’s interest in Ukraine’s drone warfare has surged, turning Eastern Europe into an informal academy for government forces and nonstate actors alike. Kyiv’s battlefield innovations—especially drone-enabled strikes far from Ukrainian soil—have drawn learners from across the globe, and they are fast importing those lessons into their own theaters of operation. In one striking example, Ukrainian drones struck a Russian shadow-fleet oil tanker more than 1,200 miles from Ukraine, an operation Kyiv described as unprecedented in scope and reach. Separately, Ukrainian forces have demonstrated the ability to deploy underwater drones to strike targets beneath the sea, signaling a rapid expansion of drone tactics across domains. Since Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion, both Kyiv and Moscow have relied heavily on foreign fighters; Russia has drawn personnel from the Middle East, Latin America, Africa and Asia, including more than 15,000 North Korean troops deployed to the Kursk front. Kyiv’s intelligence chief has warned that North Korea is adapting quickly, learning small-unit tactics, FPV drone usage, and counter-drone measures, with Pyongyang reportedly moving to mass-produce drones informed by battlefield methods. The reach of this learning loop isn’t confined to Europe: Moscow has quietly dispatched a rotational drone-training and advisory mission to Caracas, with more than 120 Russian troops led by Col. Gen. Oleg Makarevich teaching Venezuelan forces in unmanned-aerial-vehicle operations as part of what is described as the Equator Task Force.

In fragile states and conflict zones, the spillover of drone warfare is widening. In Haiti, explosive- and “kamikaze”-style drones have struck gang-controlled slums in Port-au-Prince, underscoring how nonstate actors are adopting drone tactics in contested environments. Ukrainian defense officials have described a broader export of drone expertise: Ukrainian special forces trained Sudanese troops in 2023 in drone operations used against Russian-backed forces, and reporting suggests Kyiv assisted rebel groups in Mali and Syria—where opponents fought the Russia-backed Assad regime—by sharing drone-related know-how. A Kyiv Independent investigation highlighted Brazilian volunteers serving in Ukraine, with some South American actors signaling interest in using the war to acquire military skills. One Brazilian identified in Rio de Janeiro police files as a Comando Vermelho member joined Ukrainian forces, recorded a video pledge to the gang, and moved among units, drawing attention to perceived opportunities to gain battlefield experience rather than immediate defense of Ukraine. Other Brazilian recruits’ accounts have linked ex-Colombian soldiers to cartel groups in Mexico, where cartel-affiliated units have expanded their own drone capabilities. Analysts note that some ex-soldiers see drone warfare as a portable skill set that can be deployed back home with relative ease.

The trend is not limited to Latin America. Colombian volunteers who fought on Ukraine’s front lines have described a broader pattern: ex-Colombian soldiers traveling to Mexico to join cartel networks for roughly $2,000 a month, a sharp illustration of how battlefield experience can be monetized in peacetime markets. Investigations and interviews have connected members of the Sinaloa Cartel and the Jalisco New Generation Cartel with recruitment of foreign fighters who gained drone and electronic-warfare expertise in Ukraine. These developments reflect a growing reality in which cutting-edge warfare techniques—once confined largely to state militaries or specialized defense contractors—are permeating into nonstate actors, criminal networks, and regional security dynamics.

The implications extend to the United States and Western partners. Some defense observers warn that the learning loop could accelerate the spread of drone capabilities beyond state borders. A former U.S. Special Forces operator who has fought alongside Ukrainian forces warned that the West risks falling behind without adopting Ukraine’s lessons in interception, surveillance, strike integration and counter-electronic warfare. He cited a recent example involving a Coast Guard unit in Long Beach that faced serious vulnerabilities due to a lack of drone defenses and limited jamming or spectrum-analysis tools, underscoring how vulnerable critical missions can be without robust counter-drone systems. “Ukraine can train U.S. operators in interception, surveillance, strike integration and counter-electronic warfare,” he said, arguing that Western forces need Ukraine’s expertise to professionalize their own capabilities.

A former U.S. special-forces operator who has worked with Ukrainian units—known by the nickname Xen—adds a stark warning: Western partners are not learning fast enough from Ukraine, and they should intensify support to ensure the lessons do not fade as the conflict evolves. He emphasizes that the treaty of battlefield experience is now a commodity traded in global defense markets, and that Ukraine’s front line has become a testing ground for the future of asymmetric warfare. In his view, cheap, mass-produced autonomous drones pose a strategic threat to carrier strike groups and even the U.S. homeland, given that naval radar systems can track hundreds of targets simultaneously but a mass drone swarm could overwhelm defenses if deployed at scale.

The numbers backing these trends are striking. U.S. Homeland Security officials have detected more than 60,000 cartel drone flights near the southern border in six months, with an average of 328 drones coming within 500 meters of U.S. territory every day. The growing sophistication of nonstate actors’ drone operations underscores a broader security challenge: if adversaries can access and replicate drone technologies and tactics, then traditional deterrence models must adapt to a world in which battlefield lessons circulate rapidly and reach conflicts far from Ukraine.

Against this backdrop, Ukraine’s rapid innovation in drone tactics and electronic warfare continues to outpace conventional training pipelines, making its combat veterans valuable commodities not just for Kyiv’s allies but for defense programs worldwide. The front line there has effectively become a global classroom where new methods of reconnaissance, strike, and countermeasures are tested in real time, then disseminated through informal networks, training exchanges, and embedded personnel who translate battlefield experience into practical capability upgrades for partners across continents. As the war persists, the velocity of knowledge transfer will likely accelerate, reshaping how nations train, equip, and defend themselves in an era where drone warfare is both a battlefield tool and a strategic export.

The broader consequence is a shifting balance: military hardware and doctrine that were once tightly guarded properties of state militaries are increasingly shared, imitated, and repurposed by nonstate actors and criminal organizations. In that sense, Ukraine’s front line has become a global public good for those seeking to understand and master the new realities of drone-enabled warfare, even as it raises complex questions about security, governance, and the potential for escalation in an interconnected world.