South Korea’s youth rally around ‘Make Korea Great Again’ as right‑wing movement grows

A rising right‑wing youth movement in South Korea is reshaping political debate, drawing thousands to rallies organized by Freedom University and banners that echo the United States’ Maga movement. The group’s leader, 24‑year‑old Park Joon‑young, has helped turn anti‑establishment sentiment into a visible campaign that positions itself against a perceived left‑leaning status quo and warnings about China’s influence. The rallying focal point has been Seoul’s Gwanghwamun area, where attendees have staged selfies beside a photo of former president Yoon Suk Yeol, who is jailed on insurrection charges after a dramatic bid to declare martial law last December. Although Yoon is in prison and facing a possible life sentence, his name and actions have become a rallying banner for those within Freedom University who view him as a martyr and a symbol of resistance against the current government.

Park says the movement began in universities as a response to what his supporters see as a failure by left‑leaning administrations to deliver tangible benefits for young people. He describes Yoon’s impeachment as a political turning point: not that Yoon was popular while in office, but that the martial law episode revealed what his group calls a partisan system that betrayed the youth’s interests. “When Yoon was elected, it wasn’t so much that we were happy to see a right‑wing candidate win. It was more that a left‑wing candidate lost,” Park told the BBC. “We saw that and now we are with him.” Freedom University’s banners proclaim “Korea for Koreans” and “Chinese Communist Party out,” and the movement has embraced symbols and rhetoric associated with the U.S. right, including references to Make Korea Great Again and, in some cases, to figures such as Charlie Kirk.

The group mobilizes primarily through social media platforms popular with younger audiences, starting on university forums and expanding to short‑form videos on Instagram, Threads and YouTube. It has grown from campus protests against Yoon’s impeachment to nationwide rallies that draw thousands who say they feel ignored by traditional parties and worried about their economic futures. The group’s prominence has coincided with a broader trend: a deepening polarization in a country that has long prided itself on social harmony. A vote of confidence in the parties that have governed for the past decade is weak among many young voters, while concerns about housing, employment and national security feel acute.

The government has repeatedly rejected the group’s more sensational claims, including allegations that Chinese immigrants manipulated electoral processes, and has warned against disinformation and hate speech. Lee Jae‑Myung’s administration has also sought to rebalance relations with China, arguing it should not be branded as subservient to Beijing. Yet the movement’s online reach and its ability to draw large crowds have produced a troubling mix of online content and real‑world protest that worries many observers about rising Sinophobia and the hardening of political identities among younger Koreans. The public response to Yoon’s presidency in polls has been mixed, with about 27% of respondents in recent surveys agreeing with the movement’s views on the former president. The dissonance between youthful discontent and broader public opinion underscores a widening gulf in a country that often prides itself on consensus.

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The movement’s leaders say they are fighting for a new political vocabulary that centers youth concerns. Park, who describes himself as part of a generation “fed up” with what he calls a failing housing policy and stagnant opportunity, says the most effective message is simple: “Korea is for Koreans.” Behind the slogans are provocative statements about immigration and China, along with an emphasis on national sovereignty and traditional values. Supporters often reference social media videos that allege irregularities and frame Yoon’s martial law attempt as a major blow to parliamentary democracy; critics call such content sensationalist and unverified, but its reach among students has been palpable.

The group’s reach is not symmetrical with public opinion. Polls show that while a sizable minority supports the movement’s stance on Yoon, the broader public remains cautious, and many youths are skeptical of any party’s ability to address core concerns. A national survey released this year highlighted the economic anxieties that underlie much of the outrage: nearly three‑quarters of young people say the economy is in poor shape relative to their parents’ generation, and only about half view the economy positively. The picture of a high‑education, high‑talent population facing limited housing options and middling wages has fueled a sense of stagnation that political groups on both sides are trying to mobilize around.

Kim Hyun Soo, a youth psychiatrist who studies political socialization, says the environment is ripe for political movements that promise clear, nationalistic solutions. He stresses the need for new visions that can appeal to youth without deepening polarization. “We must show them that there’s hope,” he says, warning that the absence of constructive programs could drive more young people toward extreme or quasi‑political formations. For many who attend Freedom University rallies, the experience is also personal: Park Joon‑young’s generation sees housing as a central grievance, alongside job prospects and the broader cost of living. Bae Jang‑won, 26, told the BBC he joined for the first time, drawn by a sense of solidarity with others who feel they are being left behind by the political system.

As Freedom University builds its footprint, experts say it will be critical to watch whether the group translates street energy into durable political support or remains a relatively marginal force that nonetheless helps frame an intensified debate about national identity, security and the role of the state in people’s daily lives. The country’s educational attainment and economic volatility create a paradox: a population capable of remarkable achievement that still confronts stubborn housing shortages, rising living costs and a sense that traditional political channels have failed to deliver.

In Seoul’s rallies, the mood often mixes urgency with defiance. Some participants speak of hope that new leadership will emerge who can synthesize national pride with practical policies that benefit the young. Others emphasize the need to defend what they see as Korea’s sovereignty and cultural integrity in a globalized era. The discourse remains unsettled, but the energy around Freedom University signals a broader trend: a generation more willing than previous cohorts to challenge established power structures and to claim a political space that offers a distinct, if controversial, path forward for the country.

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