Togo walks a diplomatic tightrope as West Africa diversifies ties with Russia and the West

Togo is pursuing a diversified foreign policy that blends strategic ties with Russia, France and other Western partners, a gambit President Faure Gnassingbé says is meant to maximize diplomatic options in a region reassessing old alignments. In a period of political volatility across West Africa, Lomé has sought to leverage proximity to the Sahelian governments that have reoriented their loyalties, while preserving traditional connections with Paris and other Western capitals.

The context is shaped by an abrupt moment in which Benin’s stability was tested last December. A coup attempt on 7 December collapsed, and the junta’s leader, Lt Col Pascal Tigri, reportedly slipped across the border into neighboring Togo. From there, he appears to have moved on to a more secure asylum location, possibly Ouagadougou or Niamey. Observers note that the opacity surrounding Togo’s possible role is typical of a regime determined to extract diplomatic leverage by maintaining cordial, if guarded, relations with competing partners. Both Benin and Togo are members of Ecowas, the West African regional bloc, but Gnassingbé’s government has not shyed away from signaling a broader approach to foreign affairs that does not hinge on a single alliance.

Togo’s balancing act is underscored by its outreach to Burkina Faso and the Sahelian military governments in Niger and Mali, all of whom left Ecowas in 2022 and 2023 amid regional upheaval. Lomé’s diplomacy emphasizes versatility rather than exclusivity. The Togolese government has even reminded western partners that it has more than one option. In late October, President Emmanuel Macron hosted Gnassingbé at the Élysée for talks aimed at strengthening bilateral ties. Less than three weeks later, Gnassingbé was in Moscow for a high-profile visit, where he and Russian President Vladimir Putin formalized a defense partnership that included the use of Lomé port by Russian vessels. The accord also envisions intelligence cooperation and joint exercises, though Togolégie authorities say there are no plans to host a permanent base for the Africa Corps. The two sides also discussed economic cooperation and agreed to reopen embassies that had been closed in the 1990s.

Analysts say the Moscow move was notable not only for the accession of a defense framework but for the broader signal it sent about Togo’s strategic posture. By welcoming Russia’s naval access to Lomé, the country positions itself as a hub for landlocked Sahel states seeking maritime links, a role that complements its status as a transmission point for trade toward the Lagos-Abidjan corridor. Yet Lomé insists its pivot is part of a wider portfolio of partnerships, not a substitution of one ally for another. The Togolese government has pointed to historic ties with France, participation in Francophonie, and recent forays into the Commonwealth as evidence of its nonexclusive approach. Indeed, three years ago Togo and Gabon broadened their traditional Francophonie membership with Commonwealth membership; Ghana joined the Francophonie last year. The government argues that widening international channels helps diversify risks for an economy that remains largely rural and relatively underdeveloped.

The diversification extends beyond state-to-state ties and into regional diplomacy. Gnassingbé’s foreign policy follows a domestic political recalibration that further anchors his hold on power. In 2024, a constitutional change transformed the presidency into a ceremonial role, while executive authority shifted to a prime minister position labeled the “president of the council.” With no term limits on the premier, the shift effectively leaves Gnassingbé with a portable leadership role that has drawn criticism at home and abroad. Protests have been met with a security response, and several critics have faced legal threats as the government argues that there has been no erosion of democratic norms. The European Parliament has pressed for the unconditional release of political prisoners, including Abdoul Aziz Goma, an Irish-Togolese dual national detained since 2018. The Togolese government has rejected external critiques, framing its actions as a matter of national sovereignty and the need to preserve stability amid regional volatility.

Togo’s domestic scene remains tense. Journalists and opposition figures have reported intimidation, and authorities have warned against what they call “fake news” on social media. In a public stance, a government minister characterized the activism of civil society as terrorism when it allegedly encouraged violence. The government has defended its crackdown as necessary for public order, even as it signals possible concessions. Gnassingbé has signaled that the justice system operates independently while hinting at potential prisoner releases in a state-of-the-nation address earlier this month.

Industry and commerce in Lomé reinforce the sense that the country could serve as a strategic logistics hub for regional trade. Lomé’s deepwater port, among the best-equipped on Africa’s western coast, provides a critical gateway for goods moving into the Sahel, extending its reach beyond West Africa’s traditional markets. Its airport, the surrounding financial sector, and a network of feeder ports and inland corridors all contribute to a diversified economy that can absorb shifts in external demand. Proponents argue that these assets give Gnassingbé’s government room to maneuver, letting it cultivate partnerships with both Western powers and regional military regimes without compromising domestic legitimacy or economic interests.

Still, the shift has drawn skepticism from Western capitals wary of backing a government that shows a willingness to align with non-EU partners while maintaining the rhetoric of democratic governance. France, which once counted Togo among its most loyal allies, has watched with concern as Lomé deepens ties with Moscow and engages with AES members, the Sahel security alliance that now includes several of the region’s military governments. The United States and European Union have urged respect for human rights and the rule of law, while continuing to engage with Lomé on security and development. Gnassingbé’s government has argued that diversification is a pragmatic response to a rapidly changing geopolitical environment, rather than a strategic rejection of Western partners.

As Togo positions itself at the center of West Africa’s evolving security and trade architecture, analysts say the country faces a set of balancing acts. On the one hand, the port of Lomé provides a critical asset for regional supply lines and a point of leverage for diplomatic bargaining. On the other hand, domestic discontent and constraints on political freedoms create vulnerabilities that opponents can exploit, especially if international partners begin to question the government’s commitment to democratic norms. The coming months are likely to test Gnassingbé’s ability to sustain a broad, multi-vector diplomacy while maintaining internal stability and meeting the economic needs of a population that remains largely rural and economically marginalized. The world will be watching whether Togo can harmonize competing interests into a coherent foreign policy that preserves its strategic priorities without sacrificing the legitimacy that underpins domestic governance.